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By choosing Paul Ryan—the guy who wants to slash taxes on the rich and
gut the government—Romney shows he’s decided to go nuclear in the class
war.
n selecting Paul Ryan, Mitt Romney has doubled-down on the one thing he has never flip-flopped on: economic elitism. Romney, born to wealth, has selected Wisconsin Congressman Paul Ryan,
who was also born to wealth. As the former University of Oklahoma
football coach, Barry Switzer, once said of someone else: both these
guys were born on third and thought they hit a triple.
There's
nothing wrong with inherited wealth. Lord knows great presidents from
FDR to JFK came into their fortunes through the luck of birth. But there
is something wrong with winners of the lineage lottery who want to
hammer those who did not have the foresight to select wealthy sperm and
egg.
Finally,
we have peered into Mitt Romney's core. It is neither pro-choice nor
pro-life; neither pro-NRA nor pro-gun control; neither pro-equality nor
antigay. But it is pro-wealth and very anti–middle class. Mitt Romney
has decided to go nuclear in the class war.
Paul
Ryan, the darling of the New York–Washington media elite, is almost
certainly not the most qualified person Romney could have picked. Unlike
governors like Chris Christie or Tim Pawlenty, or a former high-ranking
White House official like Rob Portman, Ryan has never run anything
larger than his congressional office or the Oscar Meyer Weinermobile.
The elite love Ryan because he speaks for more cowardly members of their
class; his stridently anti–middle class policies are music to their
ears.
You
will often hear people who ought to know better dress up Ryan's savage
economic priorities with euphemisms. Ryan wants to "fix" Medicare. No,
he doesn't. He wants to kill it. Saying Paul Ryan wants to "fix"
Medicare is like saying the vet wanted to "fix" my dog Major; that which
used to work very well no longer works at all—and Major is none too
happy with the procedure.
Ryan's
budget is the fiscal embodiment of the deeply evil, wholeheartedly
selfish so-called philosophy of Ayn Rand. In fact, Ryan has described
Rand as "the reason I got involved in public service," and reportedly
makes staffers read her works.
Think
about that. As my buddy James Carville has said, what would all the
Best People say if Nancy Pelosi made her staffers read, say, Margaret
Sanger? Or if Barack Obama made interns study Das Kapital? Sure, a
few months ago, facing Catholic protestors at Georgetown University,
Ryan said he renounced Rand. But as the national Catholic weekly, America, wrote, he did not change the substance of a single policy.
Some renunciation. It seems to me Ryan has renounced Rand's politically
incorrect atheism, not her morally bankrupt philosophy of Screw Thy
Neighbor.
Politically,
the choice does the one thing Romney needed least of all: it shifts the
focus of the 2012 presidential election away from the soft economy and
onto the Ryan—now, Romney-Ryan—budget. The most radical governing
document in a generation, the Romney-Ryan budget would dramatically
alter America's basic social compact. No less an expert than Newt
Gingrich called it "right-wing social engineering".
Don't
be fooled. Ryan is no deficit hawk. He voted for all the policies that
created the current ocean of red ink: the Bush tax cuts for the rich;
the war in Iraq; the Bush Medicare prescription-drug plan, the first
entitlement without a dedicated revenue source. Ryan cloaks his brutal
budget in the urgent rhetoric of fiscal responsibility, but that's a
Trojan Horse. As the Center for American Progress has noted,
under the Romney-Ryan budget, "the national debt, measured as a share
of GDP, would never decline, surpassing 80 percent by 2014, and 90
percent by 2022."
Ryan's
real goal is to destroy the ladder of opportunity for the poor and the
middle class. Look at his budget: Medicare would be shattered and
replaced with a voucher system wherein seniors would be given a stipend
and told to negotiate with the health insurance goliaths. According to
the Congressional Budget Office, ten years after the Ryan plan was
enacted, seniors would pay $6,400 per year more for the same health
care, as the stipend would fail to keep up with projected cost increases.
And
that's just for starters. One out of every four dollars spent on
transportation—which is already underfunded—would be cut. Veterans'
benefits would be cut 13 percent from what President Obama says is
needed. Young men Paul Ryan voted to send into combat would suffer once
more on the home front. Education would be cut, food safety, air traffic
control, environmental protection—almost everything that makes us
safer, smarter or stronger—would get hammered.
How
can a budget so brutal not make a dent in the debt? If you have to ask
you have not been paying attention. What is the holy grail for
princelings like Mitt Romney and Paul Ryan? Of course: tax cuts for the
rich. The Tax Policy Center crunched the numbers
and found that under Romney's proposal, 95 percent of Americans would
see their taxes go up by an average of $500, but millionaires would
receive an extra $87,000 tax cut. The net result: an $86 billion annual
shift in the tax burden away from those making over $200,000 a year and
onto those making less.
And so Romney Hood has his Friar Tuck. And somewhere in hell, Ayn Rand is cackling with glee.
Paul Begala is a Newsweek/Daily Beast columnist, a
CNN contributor, an affiliated professor of public policy at Georgetown,
and a senior adviser to Priorities USA Action, a progressive PAC.
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